Anthropology

Introduction

The main objective of ethnographic research and social anthropology is to acquire the native’s point of view, the connection to life, to acquire the vision of the world as a whole. This attribution of cultural relativism is important in regards to foreign cultures which are attributed to drawbacks of ethnocentrism and prejudgment that are extensive. As stated by McGee and Warms (2012, 32), in terms of the objectives of social anthropology, people and cultural bodies are structured and available to meet a number of human needs. A person’s varying institutions, for instance social and economic set ups, have precise objectives that are present to attend to the varying physical and psychological needs, where common community perspectives have similar values and cultural tendencies create and maintain group cohesion and integration. Elements like these partly can be used to focus on the objective of social anthropology as being able to acquire the ‘natives’ point of view. This paper will focus on the ‘natives’ point of view with respect to varied scholars and attempt to explain its importance to the society. The ‘native’s’view would be the notions and tendencies of the people in the cultural set up in focus – the scope by Malinowski and Geertz focused on the manner people go after their own desires with the help of these practices and accepted code of behaviour within the model of varying cultural barriers.

Importance of the Native’s Point of View

Clifford Geertz’s (1983, 53) paper, offers a perspective in anthropological theory where tries to reveal the life in certain communities. He argues that empathetic relations between the anthropologist and people in culture are of minute impact in the process of making valid sense of culture. What is of great importance is looking for and assessing words, institutions and behaviour in regards to where people represent themselves and to others. The importance of this process in ethnography to a great extent mistakes the humanist’s simple outlook of the relation where our moral lives appear to other cultures. Additionally, a vital perspective on the imaginative experience that had already taken place is a recreation of the cultural setup where experience is formed.

Cultural relativism is the ideal model in the focus of culture as well as their correct analysis. According to Geertz ‘thick description’ regarding culture, which leads to the understanding of culture from the native’s point of view shows the analysis of cultures of varied cultures from an in-depth phase. So as to be able to know a culture in its elements, from an internal sense, the ethnographer has to get involved in ‘experience near’ and not far (Geertz, 1983, 57). The first one calls for the ethnographer to be keen to description of his culture and clarification of how his cultural believers attribute, feel, think and perceive their setting. Listening and engaging when compared to keeping distance offers the ethnographer a rigid sense of intricacies regarding culture in focus and assists in comprehension of the meaning underneath its symbols (Kottak, 2012, 53). This comprehension is the basis of ‘thick description’ relativistic description about culture that arises as comprehensible and well understood.

The aspects of practicing cultural relativism when focusing on foreign cultures are impressed upon by Schneider. He states that the assumption that culture is not easy to limit it to other system places it in a good position to study culture in addition to other elements of behaviour (Schneider, 2010, 197). Culture is holistic and all-inclusive with the impact that it does not describe and send meaning and symbol, but comprises of its own-description. The practice of cultural relativism is managed by the holistic aspect of cultures that they can explain themselves, hence disproving the desire to go to other cultures for assistance.

The focus on the function of the individual feelings, motives and pursuit of personal satisfaction through the help of cultural bodies is discussed by Bonvillain (2006), in the general autonomy of the cultural behaviour, attitudes and morals can be discussed through conceptualizing their stance in sustaining cohesion of the society.

Malinowski’s focus on social anthropology is seen as his notion of advancement of the psychological functionalism, the anthropological model, and his discussion into Trobriand life (Malinowski, 1922). As a stated by Malinowski (1922, 25), the anthropological model of undertaking ethnographic activities have to be comprise of procedures that display importance of personal needs, like observing and documenting social practices and ‘imponderabilia’ of day to day life as well as a composition of typical narratives that comprise folk-lore and formulae, to which the feelings, goals and ideologies (or ‘natives’) are important in appreciating the role of the society. The theory on functionalism adds that the biological and psychological needs of a human aims to model and control the direction of culture, where culture aims to meet the needs of the person’s ‘subjective need of feeling’ (Malinowski, 1922, 25) as opposed to the society intrinsically. As discussed by Hatch (1973, 278), the theory states that cultural institutions are formed through a combined groups of people and operate as modes of expression which the motivation pushing the person’s involvement in a cultural set up comprises mostly of determination and self-interest. Purpose and feeling controls a person’s behaviour and mind, involving the points we put across regarding the world and the societies we live in. It is from this that Malinowski’s aspect on agency of the person in society becomes valid in regards to social anthropology, where functionalism is seen as on where the basis of foundations of cultural ideals are to a great extent based on the model of individual motivations.

Malinowski’s use of psychological functionalism and the significance of personal points of focus is clear in his ethnography about the Trobrianders of New Guinea, whose observations of imponderabilia of life, like routine, rules about custom and social life are displayed to be significant elements of the real value of social fabric that keeps the family and community as one (Malinowski, 1922, 19). His theoretical discussion about culture aims to operate to serve personal needs, cultural policies in terms of behaviour and ideologies are modelled through collective persons in regards to psychological and biological desires at any period. This means in regards to ‘native’s point of view’ like respect, status, and purpose among others. As put forth by Hatch (1973), this individual focus of motivation shows the functional connection between individuals and culture. Here a person’s point of view gives them determination to acquire personal needs. For instance, Hatch (1973, 291) states that creating and sustaining of social esteem and prestige is a vital psychological need displayed in individual Trobrianders and in the society. Hatch (1973, 292) adds that there individual objectives of the desire for social recognition gives rise to the creation of social norms like overproduction of foo and practice of generous giving. This act leads to prestige and social wealth. The person acquires the convention of generosity profitable comprising fulfilling personal desires, hence it is acquired. In the theory of functionalism, culture does not have to be forced on a person, this is since it is a hard tool that people apply daily.

These policies control behaviour that on the other hand form and sustain societal integration, adds force to Bonvillain’s notion that every autonomous tendency and objectives can be analyzed through conceptualizing their stance in maintaining relevance in the society. From this, the objective of social anthropology can be acquired, if the desires of the general public are met, then the desires of the society in general is similarly met.

Conclusion

Generally, it is apparent that the process talked about are focused on preserving the integrity of individual cultures. Cultural relativism, getting to know different cultures ‘from the native’s point of view’ and composing ‘thick descriptions’ about culture is the manner through which anthropologists state cultures while safeguarding their integrity.

The paper has been focused on the Geertz’s paper ‘from the native’s point of view’ with the further analysis as discussed by several scholars. This paper has been able to talk about the importance to an anthropologist and has gone further to discuss its relevant aspect to ethnography. It has stressed its objective with the help of theories in anthropology. From this anthropology adds to cultural comprehension with the help of anthropologists who record and present culture. They bring forth the complexities that besiege cultural elements and practices, in addition to being useful in interpreting unintelligible to intelligible.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Works Cited

Geertz, Clifford. “From the Native’s Point of View”: On the Nature of Anthropological Understanding, in: Geertz, Local Knowledge. New York: Basic Books, 1983, pp. 55-72

Hatch, E. Theories of man and culture. New York: Columbia University Press, 1973. Print press.

Kottak, C.P. 2012. Mirror For Humanity: A concise introduction to cultural anthropology. 8th   edition. New York: McGraw-Hill

Malinowski, B. Argonauts of the Western Pacifi c . London: Routledge, 1922. Print press.

McGee and Warms. Anthropological Theory: An Introductory History. New York McGraw-Hill,    2012. Print press.

Schneider, A. and Wright, C. Between Art and Anthropology: Contemporary Ethnographic            Practice. New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2010. Print press.