Food and Communications
It has been a commonplace assumption among many people and many schools of thought that taste is ultimately a matter of personal preference and choice. The argument here is that an individual will make a choice for a certain thing depending on their likes and dislikes of it and their opinions about it, as well as their personal conviction about it. The taste of certain foods will be preferred over others solely dependent on the taste of that food to each person. However, the social sciences present a different perspective of the concept of choice and preferences. Social sciences tilt the understanding of an individual’s choice and preference to certain exterior influences that work together to exert an influence on an individual’s perception of a particular thing, thus making them more apt to make a choice for it or against it as the case may be (Proust, 293). Anthropology applies this same concept to taste in food.
Food and Identity
Anthropological food-related studies have in recent years concentrated on finding out exactly how much of an influence is exerted on an individual’s choice in food and in particular tastes. Some food substances have always drawn attention due to their unusual nature, for instance, live larvae; and hence engaging anthropology (Mintz, 91). It has been suggested that food is not only taken by people for the sake of its flavor or nutritional value. While these are main considerations in eating food, there are not the only considerations. Rather, food is always consumed within a context. Tastes in the same light are developed within a particular context for individuals. This context usually includes certain places where the food is typically found, certain groups of people who are associated with and what the food means to that group of people. (Proust, 296) associated the crumb with his aunt Leonie whom he used to visit every Sunday before church. She would offer him a crumb each time therefore it became a habit. This larger context, which in includes physical or geographical location, people in that particular place, cultures and practices there make up the identity of a place , which is directly linked with the people who live in that place. (Leynse, 131) notes that place is a combination of topography, culture and people who stay in an area. Food is inextricably linked with identity. In some cases it is possible to develop a certain liking f or a food based on an individual’s liking for the identity that that food represents (Fischler, 275). Certain foods for instance are associated with specific locations. Therefore their eaters, in consuming them identify with certain aspects of that identity. For instance macaroni may always carry the inference of an Italian identity (Leynse, 149). In some cases food tastes can develop as a result of close association with certain people and what those people represent. (Proust,296) savors bread as a result of the memory of an individual that the associates it with. People may be more apt to identify themselves with a particular place as a result of the sensory experience derived from eating foods typically produced in that area.
In asserting identity, food may be used to communicate a certain sense of variety and diversity in a certain group or community ( Mintz, 99).if many different kinds of food are associated with that group, then the group can lay claim to a sense of diversity and will likely develop strong taste in many different kinds of food to celebrate that diversity.
Food, community and group dynamics.
Food may also be a tool to communicate exclusivity of a certain group of people or community. In such a case, those who eat that particular food may be doing so as a result of wanting to be included as part of that group and to identify with its ideals. Such individuals are more apt therefore to develop strong preferences for foods that are favored by that particular group or community. French people for instance are more likely to develop a taste in straw berries and wine since France is seen as a leading producer of the same. The need to want to identify with their nationality as French men and to assert the exclusivity and uniqueness of France, many French people are likely to develop strong preferences for these foods. The same is the case foe for Italians and macaroni (Fischler, 280).Their tastes in food thus become determined by the need to communicate membership in a certain group rather than a matter of personal taste.
In the same light it is also simultaneously used to communicate the ‘otherness’ of those who do not eat particular foods. In this way uniqueness is firmly asserted (Fischler, 281). Leynse (132) however notes that with increasing globalization and intercultural mixes in the world today, limitation of food to certain places is quickly decreasing. In a similar light, food also acts as a strong community identifier (Proust, 296). In the same way food is a place and group identifier it helps to strengthen community bonds in eating it and asserts a certain exclusivity of that community (Fischler, 280).
Food and superstition and inherent value
Fischler (279) asserts that it is a universal belief that food impact snot only its eater’s body, but their very nature, essence and identity through certain values that it imparts in them, through consumption. Consumption of food is seen as a form of incorporation of all that the food encompasses and its properties, be they nutritional or certain inherent values and characteristics In Proust’s book (Proust, 29), she describes the emotional and almost spiritual changes that took place in her being the moment the tea and cake crumbs touched her palate, sending shudders through her whole body.
In some places and communities food tastes are developed as a result of the inherent benefits or characteristics it possesses, and it’s potential to pass these characteristics to its consumer. In France for instance, in the past, eating turnips is considered as a thing that may cause cowardice. Therefore in these parts individuals are less likely to develop a taste for turnips. In other areas certain foods may gain popularity in their inherent potential to bequeath their consumers with special abilities or virtues, be they physical or mental (Leynse, 130).in certain cannibalistic communities for instance, the eater Is believed to acquire certain traits of the victim through the consumption of their flesh (Fischler, 280).in such a community, a preference for certain kind of victims may emerge, due to the perceived benefits of consuming their flesh. As such individuals with those traits would instantly be in danger.
Taste preferences versus Need
Sometimes tastes in food are determined by the general availability or ease of availability of particular foods. Bourdieu (74) explains that sometimes, individuals find themselves in situations where they can only access or afford certain kinds of food. In these cases, certain preferences may develop in the kinds of food they consider rare and therefore special. On the other hand certain individuals may develop a sense of comfort and familiarity with the food that this readily available and may develop a strong taste for it. The choice of either reaction is largely determined by personality and the extent if the need. In this case, it may be easier for a poor population to develop a strong preference for foods that are very filling as well as cheap (Bourdieu, 74 ).
The term, ‘economy of cultural goods’ is one that was coined by Bourdieu (75) to describe the way in which socio-cultural perceptions which are created in people due to prevailing situations such as poverty and affluence can directly affect people’s perceptions of what things are desirable it then influences their tastes .
In the same assertions, Bourdieu(74) equally infers that the absence or rareness of a particular food among a group of people due to inaccessibility or unaffordability can create a sense of specialness about the food. When perceptions are created about a food being special and unique, a psychological and social association of that food with the idea of specialness is created. This then leads to a preference for it among that particular group of people.
For instance, in the nineteenth century, sugar consumption in Great Britain increased dramatically among different regions groups and classes though at different rates. France on the other hand never adopted tea or sugar as a major commodity (Mintz, 93). However, coffee was more popular there and was further influenced by the people’s way of life, and as time went on, these commodities ceased to became luxuries and were now regarded as necessities (Mintz, 94).
Conclusion
Ultimately, the message anthropology seeks to assert in that food always communicates both to the eater and to those around him or her a certain messages concerning their identity their cultural beliefs and their perceptions. It communicates a certain association of the eater to the identity associated with the particular food. For this reason, it is possible to choose a particular food as to as to benefit from the associations of identity it brings other than its flavor. Food’s purpose lies not only in nourishing its eater but also in signifying certain things. The notion that tastes are preferences are solely determined by inherent personal tastes is therefore increasingly difficult to support.
Works Cited
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