Multiculturalism in Europe

Table of Contents

1. Introduction. 2
2. Previous analyses of the EU’s strategy to the Western Balkans. 2
3. EU Strategy as analyzed through a neo-Gramscian perspective. 4
4. EU operations in the Western Balkans. 5
5. The Process of stability and good neighborliness (Royamont Process) 6
6. The Regional Approach. 7
7. Stability Pact (SP) and Stabilization and Association Process (SAP) 7
8. Conclusion. 8
9. Bibliography. 8

Multiculturalism in Europe

Introduction

The main purpose of this paper is to assess the European strategy direct at the western part of the Balkans as an aspect of European multiculturalism. The research shows that there exists no agreement on the transformation of the EU strategy direct to at the Balkans. This paper presents facts about the strategy as being neither of an exclusion aspect nor integration of the western Balkans to the European Union. This is portrayed in the paper in terms of the treaties signed, the culture integration and political plays that took place.

The complicated and changing associations that take part in the inclusion into the European inclusion process, the neoliberal restructuring of the western Balkans and the choice issued by the local groups calls for focus. Focus is developed on the neo-Gramscian perspective which is seen as a hegemonic project that arises from a complicated, changing connection and operation in the European Commission and the local ethnopolitcal sections. It is vital to consider that hegemony based on Gramscian aspect involves skills and moral basis connected through conflicting political and cultural aspects and companies (Brusis et al., 2006). It is through this that importance arises to look into the depth that the Commission’s assurance of integration connected to neoliberal restructuring of the Balkans so as to uphold the hegemonic project. The prevalence of the European integration is based on its goals and the manner that they are acquired between the European Commission and the local groups. This paper therefore looks into the change of the Commission regional goals and its latest progress so as to acquire relevance.

Multiculturalism in Europe

Multiculturalism is an acknowledgement of several cultural choices in a single territory and of contending cultural settings, connected in precisely with the coming of people that have their heritage to look up to, is currently an integrate of European program.

In Europe the start of multiculturalism marked the success of immigration seen as economic and temporary to permanent availability of populations. In a number of countries, it is seen as a changing form to the public setting and the civil communities in Europe.

The EU is based on the multicultural idea. This idea has formed a model incorporates the minority and abundance of cultures. There have been treaties formed so as to safeguard racial discrimination from taking place (Grabbe, 2001, 32). The protection of the minority has brought about the creation of the EU immigration policy and the use of the holistic method that accords rights to all of the citizens. This is done with no need to give up their cultural variance.

The multicultural aspect has led to unity that is based on creative ambiguity so as to make it possible to include each and every person. There however is a growing uneasiness with the continued integration of the EU in regards to the minority groups. However the significance to the European identity has been on focus with the conflation of varied local and global advancements like migrations, beginning of Islam movements, Turkish inclusion into the EU, the need for EU to get involved in global role play and the political involvements of a high number of European Muslims. The Muslims are increasing fast and as they dwell in European nations they are forcing their right of contrast and acknowledgment.

A way to assess the European identity and multiculturalism is to be keen on the meaning of ethical significance of tolerance. Tolerance is an aspect that connects to the EU integration. The European identity is grounded on tolerance that results to the integration of values acquired from individualism. European secularism has affected the global aspirations: the dignity and freedom of a person, rights, and democracy (Grabbe, 2001, 34). This point of view of the EU as a composition of the global values has been important to aspect that it is composed of as a civilian factor.

The European multiculturalism has the autonomy of religion as a vital aspect that does not make reference to God, religion or Christian aspect in the declaration of the EU. The cultural plurality is seen as a factor of diversity. The European ideology is less aligned to global values and more towards self-inclusion with the European seen as a society of inclusion and not exclusion.

Previous analyses of the EU’s strategy to the Western Balkans

There are several areas of focus. The first one is the argument that the commission went after a well-strategized and reliable plan on the regional aspect of the local issues and that it was vital in the change of local communities.

The agreement had by the commission had complete strategy for assisting the Western Balkans to advance. Studies that are drawn in this study acquire the idea between commission’s strategies for region and the one that it went after, CEE (Grabbe, 2001). Just like Michael Lake, he states that the union will assist the Western Balkans to develop just like Hungary after the change of rule in 1989 and bring about membership of the union. According to him, the EU depends on the same method to go after something and results acquired in Hungary and other nations.

This group adds that the EU has proven that it is focused on handling economic and political instability (Brusis et al., 2006). The study looks to consider the quest of the commission for lesser stability for acquiring limited neoliberal restructuring in the area to be relevant. Hazel adds that the promise of enlargement has to get the nations to be in line with the EU’s conditionality that is bound to happen to limit threats from entering the EU from the Western Balkans (Lavenex et al., 2004; Turkes & Gokgoz, 2006). The EU strategy is an effective method, more so if one looks into the size of post-Dayton EU projects.

The model cannot assure the same result in Western Balkans. Long periods of conflict create the aspects for enlargement in the Western Balkans majorly less suitable than the CEE. FDI in Western Balkans can be compared to CEE nations (Grabbe, 2001; 2003). Corporations are not willing to invest in Western Balkans. GNP has high unemployment rate.

Integration of the Western Balkans has connected with the exclusion of Yugoslavia and social fragmentation at the local level. Efforts by the major player have prioritized minimum stability in Western Balkans as opposed to inclusion into the EU. This is the objective of the neoliberalism. The model of neoliberal restructuring is not progressing well (Brusis et al., 2006). It ignores the prevailing economic and political case in the area and states that the areas EU’s policies have led to issues with economic issues.

There are issues that arise with the EU’s policies to the Western Balkans. There is however criticism on the EU’s efforts; there are weak EU policies with none of them addressing their criticism to the neoliberal restructuring of Western Balkans vital to EU’s strategy.

A number of studies have focused on the EU’s enlargement to the East and Central Europe generally not precisely to Western Balkans. Most of the studies insist on the several chances issued by the cold war to extend its operations and impact the global set up, more so Europe. This chance went hand in hand with the bigger models (Pridham, 2007). The elite nations saw EU being economically stable hence giving the commission a rigid hand. On the other hand, it would use the EU’s economic ability and model to safeguard leverage in the region through conditionality.

The trade and cooperation agreement ended prior to the termination of the cold war and set base for future involvement. There were motivations according to factors in the policy connected from the East to West. Nations in the Balkan hoped to acquire shelter in conflict. The EU issued a new picture in the political mechanism (Brusis et al., 2006). Slovenia was getting economic success, being a good example.

The EU inclusion in the CEE nations was meant to bring about stability that if it went wrong it could bring about conflict to the EU borders and bring about debt in the EU that would result from spoilt economies (Grabbe, 2006).

Another issue was multiculturalism in the EU which was heavily resisted in Bosnia and other parts. This aspect was brought out vividly by the western experts, and politicians as well as the media which backed the aspect of European involvement as well as military inclusion to do away with ethnic cleansing. With the EU, the ethnic players, in this case Croatia began seceding from the Balkans creating the absence of it from the political scene.

EU Strategy as analyzed through a neo-Gramscian perspective

Bieler stated that neo-liberal restructuring in the central and eastern part of Europe to be acquired from outside using the EU membership, with regard to the association formed by central and eastern European state and transnational capital.

It is true that the Commission proposes that if a country is to be included into the EU, like the Western Balkans, the Commission has to come up with a well detailed project for complete inclusion as stated in support of ‘the wider Europe’ and the policy of the Commission; ‘neighborhood policy.’ Hence, it is vivid that neoliberal restructuring does not require a complete membership though it may stay an open operation. This therefore makes a valid conceptualization of the European Union Strategy being a hegemonic operation, as it is common for being contested, there is defining and redefining. It is through this that the Western Balkan strategy Commission based on the neoliberal restructuring is modeled to get the Balkans ready for pre-inclusion. This is with no commitments for complete inclusion.

Locally, the neo-Gramscian perspective has to consider that as the class models are there in the western Balkans, several class desires are included into the ethnopolitical basis. Trade unions are small and work in a state-based sector where they reduce themselves to safeguarding their job security. They are able to translate their stand into a political base and hence viable in regards to creation of a hegemonic project.

As opposed to trade unions, it is the ethnopolitical groups and local NGOs whose power is reliant on the western-based NGOs and EU assistance, which are part of the production of the hegemonic projects in the Balkans (Brusis et al., 2006). Hence, the EU’s hegemonic project in the western Balkans is not based on the association of the transnational capital, national capital and workforce. Relatively the commission is attempting to acquire the agreement of the ethnopolitical groups and NGOs to acquire the hegemonic project.

The lack of enough material resources and change of discourses in the local groups has made it possible for creation of a group that is able and willing to create a reaction of the discourse so as to handle another discourse at a limited time. This tends to take place fast, as the governments and forms of local, regional and international connections transform. It is quite difficult and confusing to choose the constant varying hegemonic discourse, however one can note the major goal as inclusion with the EU.

It may show that the Commission has targeted to remodel socioeconomic frameworks in connection with neoliberalism through making sure there is free flow of capital and products and set up free market economy. For this to happen, it has made efforts to acquire permission from the transnational capital due the privatization that brought about the acquisition of oil refineries as in Macedonia, banking houses in Balkans and the communication industry (Brusis et al., 2006). The Commission has made it possible for the creation of rival ethnopolitical groups, with promises and offering financial subsidies using several mechanisms like the EU bank for remodeling and advancement and stable Pact methods with limited effectiveness.

Generally, the EU has had complexities in practicing its policies in the Western Balkans. An in-depth assessment of the projects in the region shows some mistakes that arise from the core of neoliberal project that destroyed initial state-society connections, substituting them with other authoritarianism. In almost every part of the region, privatization has brought about renewal, change and building of another level of the ruling class using new policies (managerial and bureaucratic groups) who based on transnational corporations and the bigger western-based NGOs have changed their loyalties from the initial state methods to a regional and transnational model, hence creating transnational authoritarianism. Ideology is advocated and hegemony may be created by managerial elites, in connection with neoliberal projects as started by commission and other international players. As these elites go on to change their stance and commitment, they maintain their neoliberal aspect as stated by the Commission. Not withholding their vocal expression of being sad with the prevalent life complexities, none of the research centers, NGOs or elites has come up with another option to the hegemonic project.

However, the objectives of the Commission and the local ethnopolitical groups don’t align. As the Commission’s Western Balkans strategy looks to remodel the region to align with neoliberalism, the local groups look to acquire several needs, from the minority rights to set up a common state with regard to consensual democracy or occasional federalism (Brusis, 2006). The commission, which defines the aspects of association that exits between the EU and Western Balkans, it pressures the regional players to get involved in the neoliberal restructuring activities in response to getting involved in its neoliberal restructuring that attribute the region. As will be able to see below, the social and geopolitical models that attribute the region are blocking the use of the EU’s hegemonic project (Brusis et al., 2006).

EU operations in the Western Balkans

In the past, the Balkan section has advanced in terms of tension and state competition that arises between Chrisitian-Occidental and Islamics Ottoman powers and cultures. Currently, the area is attributed by several cultural, religious and language aspects and impacts that are the heritage in the past. Since these groups identity and solidarity attributes are not vivid in several demographic aspects in the area, as time passes by they emerge as a hindrance to building the country. A good example is the Wilson Declaration debate on self-determination as the First World War ended showing how difficult it is to implement in the Balkans. Notwithstanding the objective, if it was idealism or realism, the result was clear cut fragmentation.

In seeming direct opposition to this method, the cold war creation of eastern section against the western showed an aspect of unity. Though, this unity was later seen as an illusion. The dissolution brought about ethnic tension and rivalry, hence back to diversity. The nations in the region got themselves as being part into the ethnic tensions as well as the issues that arise from the painful change. As one, these advancements blocked the creation of a working operation in the region, hence bringing about restructuring that brought about the Western Balkans as third, led by CEE and South Eastern Europe (Grabbe, 2001; 2006).

Currently, the words ‘Western Balkans’ is applied to mean the nations of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro and Kosovo. As stated initially, Slovenia effectively applied the EU as the way out, joining in 2004. Croatia was issued with EU membership and hence Bulgaria and Romania had the probability of membership. The other plays have the probability of inclusion and exclusion on the other hand. This does not rule them out from opting for conditionality, though this gets them ready for perspective inclusion into the EU, not speedy inclusion. The EU would make the Western Balkans to get ready for agreement by the Commission and transnational capital.

Just like local control in the Balkans, the Commission was caught unaware by the unexpected turns of events that took place in the end of cold war. The reemergence of ethnic rivalry and war in Yugoslavia, including the complexities of transition and inclusion, brought about inner political and economic power and brought about the search for outside inclusion. The rise of power vacuum was bad. While the first intention of global community and commission is maintained to enable regional integrity of the initial Yugoslavia, actually the impact was the reverse, since the power vacuum was occupied by micronationalisms. 1989 and 1991 went by with no unity and will from the EU (Brusis et al., 2006). The German and EU acknowledgment of Croatia was a change in the incentive for the EU to take part in the Western Balkans.

The rivalry had bad implications on the integrity of the western based international community. The commission payers and the EU had no power to stop the war in Europe (The Balkans in Europe’s Future, 2005). This is due to its great influence on the peace and unity of the region and the surge of refugees into Western Europe that was to end the long violence using the application of Dayton Peace agreement in 1995. On the other hand, the agreement left certain causes of the rivalry prior to shifting the issue to another one (Papadimitriou, 2001). Global protectorates were later formed with uncertain futures.

Though with the failure of Dayton to offer a vivid future, it was a path followed by Western Balkans. The rivalry in BiH affected the Commission policies by making it to consider the rise in inclusion of the Balkans due to its integrity and it was issued with evidence that the war had spread and there was a threat that it could go to the EU.

It is from this that the commission was keen on the causes for instability with a desire to evading the emergence of ethnic rivalry. In an effort to control the conflicts as an effort to keep unity, the commission and EU came up with methods targeted at neoliberal restructuring of Western Balkans nations as they get ready for inclusion.

The Process of stability and good neighborliness (Royamont Process)

The Royaumont Process began in 1996 where the French EU control was applied so as to bring about a stable Western Balkans. It was the source of the post-Dayton context, focused on upholding the use of the Dayton Peace Accord and hence the EU involvement with the Western Balkans. The EU attributed the Royaumont Process as a preventive method that was keen on advancing regional projects so as to set up good relations, though the elite nations saw it as a regional agreement scheme (Papadimitriou, 2001). The method formed the operation of the Royaumont Process that formed the Greek rule, as the solo EU member state in the region. The Process was later overtaken by the Stability agreement, it was charged with inter-parliamentary relations.

The Regional Approach

This method took place in 1997, where the EU Affairs Council acquired the Regional Method, setting up the political and economic conditionality for the advancement of relations with the Balkan nation. The conditions comprised of respect for democratic principles, human rights and rule of law, safeguard of the minorities and economic reforms among others (Brusis, 2006). Conditionality played a role in the creation of the EU-East European relations beginning from the end of the cold war. In the CEE, conditionality was created with the start of Poland and Hungary program where the two nations and others were issued with ‘associate status.’ First of all the CEE nations were not contended with the agreement as it did not involve any promise of inclusion (Grabbe, 2001; 2003). In 1993, the CEE was included. Four years later, Romania and Bulgaria were also included in the enlargement process and in 1999 Helsinki started inclusion talks and issue them with finances in the SAPARD and ISPA programs as well as PHARE.

Though the method where conditionality was used as in the Western Balkans stated the boundaries of the varied methods of associations that the EU would keep in the region; there was no fast means to be included though rewards were to be issued; trade, finances and economic advantages.

With regard to the Regional method, the EU efforts for remaking of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and other nations program were started. Periods after 1997 were marked by negativity in contractual relations, exclusion from the associations, and as for Serbia there were sanctions (Papadimitriou, 2001). The Copenhagen method insisted the borders of fragmentation in the area, pushing Western Balkans to lower level in getting inclusion.

The crisis that took place in Kosovo was proof that the operation was delicate, if the commission desired it or not, the region desired a rigid method. The trends of crisis were not completed; Yugoslavia was merging fast and the EU security and credibility was in focus. The reaction of the global community was to set up a Kosovo Protectorate as the most extensive step to arise.

Stability Pact (SP) and Stabilization and Association Process (SAP)

The rivalry that happened in Kosovo sent details that the Balkans was necessary to do away with and offered the needed motivation for starting of the Stability Pact for the Western Balkans. This started with the approval of resolution 1244 and it acquired an extensive mandate from the EU, OSCE, G8 and NATO. The commission started the Pact and the EU acquired the main duties for its application.

The SP is a political declaration of commitment and model consent on global cooperation to advance a shared strategy for unity in the Western Balkans. The SP desires cooperation from all the countries. Stability relies on peace and economic advancement; this is learned after conflicts in Balkans. SP is termed as based on global crisis control (The Balkans in Europe’s Future, 2005). Prevention can be effective if done in a safe environment, advancement of democratic models and economic and social welfare.

The SP is targeted at the Western Balkans closer to complete inclusion into the EU. This goes hand in hand with full membership. To make this happen the commission set up the Stabilization and Association Agreements SAA as a part of SAP (Papadimitriou, 2001). The SAP is vital in the strategy targeted at the Western Balkans and vital aspects of the EU participation to the SP. The process involves advancement and unity building.

It was at the time that the Western Balkans had limited relationships with the EU. Moreover the SAA, OBNOVA and PHARE were taken over by Community Assistance for Association, Democratization and Stabilization (CARDS) method. This is remodeled version of the EU programs for unity. SAP was hence a replica of the CEE (Grabbe, 2001; 2003).

After meeting the conditions, agreements were signed by Macedonia and Croatia. It is vital to note that the Pact complements the process and the accession process. This is not appreciated by regional aspects. The one enticement that was not successful was the promise of membership.

Conclusion

With time passing by, nations in the still stayed out of the EU. If they desired to be part of it they would target the path that EU was using. With the prevailing neoliberal economic restructuring and political wavering, it does not look logical to expect success in the Balkan nations. As they are undergoing limited human resources, bad capital and economic down turn. Several cultures were hence allowed to flourish in the EU, hence the creation of the present EU as an integration of several cultures.

The paper stated that the commission’s strategy is not of an exclusion or integration due to the complicated and flexible project and its neoliberal restructuring project upheld by integration and local groups and cultures that have an agreement to the hegemonic project. The general outcome has been a continued change of the present issued and not answers. The paper has been able to assess the varied issues that took place and offered facts and examples that took place. The EU strategy applied in the Western Balkans was neither of exclusion nor integration.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bibliography

Brusis, M. (2006). Assessing the state of democracy, market economy and political management.      Southeastern Europe in Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, vol. 6, no. 1.

Brusis, M. & Thiery, P. (2006). Comparing political governance. Southeastern Europe            in a global perspective in Southeastern European and Black Sea Studies, vol. 6, no. 1.

Grabbe, H. (2001). How does Europeanization affect CEE governance? Conditionality, diffusion           and diversity. Journal of European Public Policy, 8 (6), pp. 1013 – 31.

Grabbe, H. (2003). Europeanization Goes East: Power and Uncertainty in the EU Accession     Process, in K. Featherstone and C. M. Radaelli (eds.) The Politics of Europeanization,pp.   303 – 31 (Oxford: Oxford University Press).

Grabbe, H. (2006). The EU’s Transformative Power: Europeanization through Conditionality in

and Eastern Europe. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

Lavenex, S. & Uçarer, E. M. (2004). The External Dimension of Europeanization: The Case of Immigration Policies, Cooperation and Conflict: Journal of the Nordic International        Studies Association, 39 (4), pp. 417 – 43.

Papadimitriou, D. (2001). The EU’s Strategy in the Post-Communist Balkans. Southeast          European and Black Sea Studies, vol.1/3.

Pridham, G. (2007). Change and Continuity in the European Union’s Political    Conditionality: Aims, Approach and Priorities in Democratization, June 2007.

The Balkans in Europe’s Future, (2005). International Commission on the Balkans, Centre for  Liberal Strategies, Sofia.

Turkes, M. & Gokgoz, G. (2006). The European Union’s Strategy towards the Western          Balkans: Exclusion or Integration? East European Politics and Societies; 20; 659.